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Jeremy Bowen: Netanyahu has a lifeline because to Iran's war on Israel

Jeremy Bowen: Netanyahu has a lifeline because to Iran's war on Israel


Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, was under intense pressure not so long ago.


Following the killing of seven World Central Kitchen relief workers by the Israeli army in Gaza on April 1, US President Joe Biden seemed to have run out of patience with his problematic friend.


Israel bombed the Iranian diplomatic facility in Damascus on the same day, breaking legal standards that forbid assaults on embassies and killing a senior general and at least six other personnel.


Israel said, without any evidence, that Iran had lost that protection when it converted the damaged consulate into a military base. Iran said it would strike back, but its threats against top commanders have produced more talk than action in the past.


Outside of Iran, the outrage over the murder of the World Central Kitchen team—a US-based charity—overshadowed the assault on Damascus.


President Biden sent a vehement response via the White House. He expressed his "heartbreak and outrage" It wasn't an isolated instance. Israel was not going far enough in defending Palestinian citizens and relief workers.


He requested significant concessions from the prime minister during an irate phone chat. Humanitarian assistance ought to pour into Gaza. In addition to the cargo port in Ashdod, which is less than an hour's drive from the northern Gazan border where children are starving to death, Israel needs to open other border crossings.


Things will change, Prime Minister Netanyahu said. Still, Israel was dragging its feet.


Mr. Netanyahu was under pressure not just from the White House but also from ultranationalist fanatics who support him in the Israeli Knesset and maintain his coalition in power. Not only do they reject sending an abundance of help to Gaza. They think Israel has a unique chance to resettle Jews in Gaza as a result of the conflict. Israel withdrew its Jewish population from the area unilaterally in 2005 and destroyed the colonies.


By last week's end, the United States was stepping up its pressure. The senior US humanitarian official, Samantha Power, said on Thursday that it was "credible" that starvation was already striking portions of Gaza.


Both Israel's allies and adversaries saw that the world's most serious food crisis had resulted from Israel's six-month blockade of Gaza. There was also a surge in rumors that the US might impose restrictions on Israel's use of the weaponry it provides.


Hours before the Iranian strike on Israel on Saturday morning, The New York Times reported growing indignation, particularly among senior Democrats in the US Congress. It criticized Benjamin Netanyahu and demanded a halt to Israel's arms sales.


The paper's editorial board attacked Mr. Netanyahu and the hardliners in his cabinet for severing "the bond of trust" with the United States under the title, Military Aid to Israel Cannot Be Unconditional. It said that President Biden "should not allow Mr. Netanyahu to keep playing his cynical double games" because of the US commitment to Israel and its right to self-defense.


The prime minister then had a lifeline when Iran launched its first-ever direct strike on Israel.


The US and other Western allies assisted Israel in downing over 300 Iranian drones and missiles in an incredible display of military cooperation. King Abdullah of Jordan has been the most vocal Arab opponent of Israel's attack in Gaza. However, the air force of Jordan entered the battle and intercepted missiles aimed for Israel.


Strong statements of support took the place of calls for placing restrictions on military funding to Israel.


There are now fresh political chances for Prime Minister Netanyahu. At least for a day or two, Gaza is off the news.


However, the prime minister is under different pressure. It's still there. Israel may double it with its next measures.


Regarding what he believes ought to happen next, President Biden has been quite explicit. Israel has to "take the win" in this instance, proclaim victory, and refrain from retaliating. He reiterated that America was "ironclad" in its backing of Israel.


That aligned with his steady course of action following the October 7th Hamas strikes. Although the president and his administration provided Israel with large weaponry supplies that were utilized cruelly and destructively in Gaza, they also made great efforts to prevent a broader, all-out conflict in the Middle East.


Since October, Israel has complied with Joe Biden's increasingly irrational and furious demands to uphold the rules of war and safeguard people while accepting the armaments and diplomatic backing that came with them.


Shortly after its partners' extraordinary military cooperation against Iran a few days before, Israel seems determined to disregard not just Joe Biden's recommendation not to respond, but also the identical views of the other nations that provided support on Saturday night.


Prime Minister Rishi Sunak of Britain and President Emmanuel Macron of France have both dispatched combat planes, denounced Iran, and encouraged Israel not to retaliate, much like Joe Biden.


In Israel, they are fighting against deeply ingrained impulses and ideas. One is the steadfast belief that Israel must repel assaults with unstoppable power if it is to survive.


Another is Benjamin Netanyahu's belief, which he has often voiced during his tenure in office, that Iran is Israel's most formidable foe and is out to destroy the Jewish state. Many Israelis think the same way.


Now, Iran has attacked Israel directly for the first time since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, ending years of hostility. A protracted covert conflict has emerged.


The issue, according to Israel, is not whether it would retaliate, but rather when and how. The military council has been discussing how to do this without starting a full-scale conflict. Ultimately, however, any assault will assume that Iran is not interested in a full-scale conflict as well, and it will react appropriately. It's risky to assume that. Already, each side has gravely miscalculated the other's motivations.


Once again, Benjamin Netanyahu and his administration are determined to disregard the desires of friends who have gone above and beyond to support Israel in its conflict with its adversaries. His friends in ultranationalism are calling for a devastating strike on Iran. One of them said that Israel need to "go berserk".


In the meanwhile, Gaza's humanitarian crisis persists. It has received less attention internationally, but it will soon return. There have been civilian casualties from Israel's military operations in Gaza. In the West Bank, deadly clashes between Jewish settlers and Palestinians have returned in full force. The border conflict between Israel and Hezbollah may quickly worsen.


Iran has threatened to hit back harder if Israel launches an assault. Hossein Baqeri, the head of staff of Iranian armed forces, said that the assault on Israel had been "limited" and that if Israel attacked, there would be a "far greater" retaliation.


In the event that Israel strikes Iran, the Americans have said they would not help. But if Iran responded to an Israeli strike with one of its own, it is difficult to see how Joe Biden's description of a "ironclad" commitment to Israel's security would prevent the US from intervening.



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