Some had predicted that Xi Jinping would become the most outspoken Chinese leader in decades - he is now set to secure a historic third term in power.
A decade ago little was known about Mr. Xi - other than the fact that he was a "prince" because his father was one of the country's revolutionary leaders.
His lineage helped him gain the support of party elders, which was crucial to his rise to power within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as these leaders often maintained political influence even after retirement.
"Prior to his rise, Xi Jinping was regarded as a man of compromise with everyone," said Joseph Fusmith, an expert in the politics of Chinese elite at Boston University.
But 10 years later, Mr. Xi's authority appears undeniable, and his power is unmatched. how did that happen?
barrel of a gun
Mao Zedong, the founder of Communist China, once famously said: "Political power emanates from the barrel of a gun."
After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Mao maintained that it was the party, not the state, that controlled the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Since then, the CCP leader has also been the chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC).
Mr. Xi was luckier than his predecessor Hu Jintao as he immediately became CMC president - and wasted no time in quelling protests within the armed forces.
The most shocking cases came in 2014 and 2015, when former CMC vice chairman Xu Caihou and former PLA general Guo Boxiong were accused of corruption.
Joel Wuthno, a senior fellow at the Pentagon-funded National Defense University, said: "He was already retired when the ax fell, but Xi's ability to target him undermined former Chinese leader Jiang Zemin's influence in the PLA. "
"It also sent a powerful signal to current military officials that anyone who opposes Xi's control is not safe from harm," he said.
In 2015, Mr. Xi also changed the structure of the army. He abolished the four military headquarters - Staff, Politics, Logistics and Ordnance - and replaced them with 15 smaller agencies.
The new structure allows the CMC to issue orders directly to various branches of the military - even to the financial auditors, who now have to report directly to the CMC, Mr. Wuthno says.
Above all there is an emphasis on absolute loyalty to Mr. Xi - something that is still being reiterated.
Last month, the People's Liberation Army Daily, the country's official military newspaper, published an article emphasizing that the CMC was in overall command.
Timothy Heath, a senior international defense researcher at the US think tank RAND Corporation, said: "This message helps to counter any trend that may develop in the military, which may instill loyalty to senior PLA leaders, who may be involved in any Day may oppose Xi."
"Loyalty to the party means that the PLA is expected to fulfill any and all orders to keep the party, and especially Xi, in power."
loyalty comes first
After securing the barrel of the gun, it is necessary to bring the knife - the internal safety mechanism - under full control.
Two years after Xi came to power, officials confirmed the arrest of a "tiger", former domestic security chief Zhou Yongkang, on corruption charges. He was closely associated with Bo Xilai, another "prince", who was Mr. Xi's rival.
The investigation sent political shock waves as it broke the unspoken rule that members of the Politburo Standing Committee, the most powerful decision-making body, would not be subject to criminal penalties.
"Xi Jinping turned out to be a ruthlessly talented politician who patiently rose through the system before seizing his moment to rule," said Neil Thomas, a senior China analyst at Eurasia Group.
"Communist Party elders who supported Xi's rise were astonished by the speed and scale of his power grab."
Observers say Mr. Xi's signature anti-corruption campaign is also being used to oust his political rivals and other party factions.
Over the past decade, more than 4.7 million people have been investigated by anti-corruption authorities.
"Over the past two years, Xi has further purged career security officers who first supported his rise to power," said Victor Shih, a political scientist at the University of California, San Diego.
"Now the security agencies are almost exclusively run by officials who have shared past history with Xi and who are likely to be trusted by him."
Mr. Xi has also piled up his loyalists in key regional positions such as party secretaries in major cities such as Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing.
These positions are important because they are responsible for "interpreting and implementing central directives in areas with millions of people", Mr Thomas said.
Of the 31 provincial-level party secretaries, at least 24 are Xi's political allies, who were previously his family members.
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